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November 20 Timothy Garton Ash at PKU Timothy Garton Ash, a known historian, political writer, Guardian Columnist, and professor from Oxford is giving a talk, titled "China-Europe-US: A Strategic Triangle for the 21st Century" at Peking University campus late this week: When: Friday, Nov. 21, 9:00-11:30 am Where: Room 126 Leo Koguan Building, School of Government, PKU For the detailed info. about the speaker, please check the following website: http://www.timothygartonash.com/biography.html Mini-Review: Prof Ash delivers an interesting talk, more appropriately, an educated guess on international geo-politics of the next two decades. As a historian, he traces the rises and falls of hegemonies and notices that if China's GDP continued to grow at the current rate, in little less than 20 years, the country would surpass the US as the world's largest economy, measured in purchasing power parity. Polls conducted around the world suggest a growing public perception that China would replace the US as the new superpower, something that was unimagineable a generation ago. The re-emergence of China as the first non-Western modernity will have a long-lasting impact on world order. The transitions between hegemonies have rarely been a peaceful process, the only exception being the UK-US transition last century, which benefited greatly from shared cultures and the work of such political masterminds as Churchill. The situation for China is not very promising: the cultural and ideological differences may well lead to world-wide conflicts and hinder China's ascendency. The perils that lie ahead can be avoided by a Liberal International Order. There is, however, a subtle catch here: Liberal means equal liberties under law, while Order implies respect for national sovereignty. The two values could potentially be at odds and only through international negotiations and sophisticated bargaining can we solve such issues. Therefore the US, EU and China, who are likely to become the key global players (despite objections Prof Ash relegates India and Russia to regional players) must build trust and strategic ties. In particular, Prof Ash advocates for a much closer EU-China relationship, which according to him, is not only under-valued and under-developed, but also under-conceptualized. Both the speaker and the audience are worried about this transition period, and their concerns are well justified. "Pessimism of the intellect, optimism of the will", as Prof Ash puts it, is probably the only way for us to carry forward. October 10 Martti Ahtisaari Wins the Nobel Prize for PeaceUpdate 1: Martti Ahtisaari wins the 2008 Nobel Peace Prize A fitting laureate for the PEACE PRIZE... - - - - - Last month, Rumours surfaced that the shortlist for the 2008 Nobel Peace Prize includes several Chinese dissidents, among them my former colleague Hu Jia. With the world media buzzing in synchrony, he was tipped to be the favourite candidate. But will he actually win the prize? Is so, what would it bring to the development of civil society in China and to the already fragile China-West relations? We will have to wait and see. The name of this year's laureate will be announced at 9:00 GMT today. July 30 认领助学对象--伸出爱的手 帮助求学路以下为转载 各位好： 这里有2个助学信息，请求大家广泛关注并给予支持！这两个孩子都来自启明河南省后杨村项目点。 1.
小董（涉个人及家庭隐私，故用匿名），18岁，今年7月以优异的成绩考取国家重点大学河南科技大学国际经济与贸易专业。其母因病去世，父亲亦患病，早先在外省捡破烂为生，后为治疗方便回河南务农。该同学在家老二，大姐也在读大学，已申请学生贷款；弟弟读初中。 大学8月底就报到了，小董尚无筹到对她来说是巨额的学费。（学费3700元+住宿费1000元）后杨村图书管理员晓莹姐打来电话，请求启明书社伸出援手。 2：
小臧，16岁，去年本来已读高一。当时她成绩在班里首屈一指，却因血液病休学一年。现已康复，今年7月重新报名进入高中。小臧家原为河南驻马店市人，几年
前举家迁到乌鲁木齐谋生。但其父不幸得脑瘤连续手术两次，现已完全丧失劳动能力，回到后杨村由70多岁老母照顾。为给父亲治病，母亲原先经营的小饭店也败
落，去年倒闭。现在乌市打零工生活，照顾3个读书的孩子。小臧排行老大，妹妹在读初中、最小的弟弟8岁，小学一年级。 小臧很要强，不想麻烦别人，想用自己的力量实现求学梦。今年暑假，她在一家餐厅打工，月薪700元；但这微薄的收入只是杯水车薪，远不够她的学费。（她在乌市属外地生，故5000/学年）。她表姐陈冲是启明在后杨村的志愿者，和小臧的母亲一道来寻求启明书社的帮助。 背景： 在启明项目点河南、安徽、山西等贫困农村，已基本实现九年义务教育。故小学、初中就读已不算难题，但高中、大学的高额收费，成为许多农民家庭沉重的负担。据此，启明书社今年为考入高中的贫困生特别设计了奖学金项目，通过资助其学杂费等，协助他们迈出实现人生理想的第一步。以上2名学生不在我们的奖学金申请范围，但实属应该资助的对象。敬请大家广泛宣传，为这两个孩子筹集学费。 资助办法： 1、学生提供入学通知书和收费收据复印件 2、捐赠人汇款给启明书社；启明书社汇款给学生。 3、启明书社提供发票给捐赠人。 捐赠请至启明账号： 户名：上海启明书社， 开户行：中国银行上海市南京西路支行 账号：044133-8900-14676908091001 任何疑问或有捐赠意向请联系启明书社办公室 电话：021-34228667 手机：13761617559 联系人：金毓丽 求学路上跋涉的她们，希望因你，肩上的担子可以轻一点，心中的理想不再那么遥远！ 启明书社/Sunrise Library 中国上海沪闵路7886号上海花园二期86号3楼 Block3 7886 HuMin Road Shanghai Garden II Shanghai 201102 China sunrisefoundation2005@yahoo.com.cn 86 (0) 21 34228667 www.sunriselibrary.org March 31 答部分评论
政治小姐抱怨有人在她的博客上骂人，其实这里也因为西藏问题引来不少看官，其中亦不乏骂人者，特举一例：
傅兄已代为驳斥：
要补充的是：示威不分贵贱，多一个人就多一份力；而写作有职业批评家们冲锋陷阵，与其帮他们锦上添花，不如为中国人雪中送炭。对Pinkykinky朋友这种变相骂街的评论，在下深为不齿。 另外还有一些朋友留下评论，这里简要答复如下：
革命小将们红卫兵式的狂热和上纲上线的大批判，那才真是语不惊人死不休啊！
不是谁笑谁的问题，是谁在尽量报道事实，谁在封锁新闻，隐瞒事实的问题。
达赖回归不是前提而是结果，问题解决了达赖才可能回归。谈判的复杂性不是拒绝谈判的理由。达赖过去是，现在是，未来也仍是解决西藏问题的钥匙。有两条路：1）积极接触，开启谈判。这当然是布满荆棘的路，但也是通往民族和解的希望之路；2）继续拒绝谈判，对异议者强势镇压，这是播撒仇恨的道路，引用傅兄的话，就是“（达赖去世那天）就是中国边疆民族地区变成血海的日子。” 这些讨论，一开始不过是为了批评FY同学一些偏激的想法。而FY并没有做出任何直接答复，只撇下一句“你被培养的太亲西方了”就消失的无影无踪了。 二、胡佳案： 在经受了近三个月的非法软禁后，金燕终于更新了自己的博客：http://zengjinyan.spaces.live.com/blog/cns!A90AAE8909DEE107!2498.entry。她给我发来邮件说：
我们呼吁，本着人道主义的原则，解除对曾金燕和她仅四个月大的女儿的软禁，恢复他们应当享有的人身自由和公民权利。据悉，胡佳案将于本周四上午在北京市第一中级人民法院公开宣判。我们呼吁，对常年致力于环保、艾滋病救助以及保护公民合法权益的胡佳做出公平、公正的判决。 三、民族主义： 政治小姐谈到狭隘民族主义的问题。在下才疏学浅，只能就其成因谈谈不成熟的想法，权当是抛砖引玉，望各位神仙不吝赐教： 一、中国人向来不以平等对待外国，善于圣化自己为天朝上邦，物质、文化、道德、礼仪无不天下第一；其他国家都是蛮夷的教外之民，自然比中国文化要低一等。这种强烈的自我中心的世界观并没有因为时代变迁而消失，而是改头换面以各种形式继续存在。至今我们的话语中还充斥着“小日本”、“洋鬼子”这样的词汇。 二、近两百年的中国历史，就是中国文明在物质、文化各领域不断退却，西方文明不断攻城略地的历史，这千年未有之剧变极大地刺激了中国人的心理。面对中国与外国的巨大差距，国人常有一种强烈的自卑感与挫折感。人们批判的“崇洋媚外”，即这一心理的体现。 三、自大与自卑的心理错综交织，使中国人面对外国时往往处于人格分裂的状态。愈自大就愈受到现实差距的刺激，愈自卑就愈需要用自大来麻痹、安慰自己。 四、中国人在专制的话语环境中长大，只能接受权威灌输的观念而看不到相反的意见，因此很难培养出理性思维和辩论的精神。面对不同的观点和理念，中国人常常不假思索、不由分说地扣上偏见、反华、别有用心和恶意中伤的大帽子。对持异议者，则习惯用强权和暴力加以镇压。 五、集体受迫害的心理。这本是所有受殖民主义侵害的民族所共有的。随着列强势力的削弱和中国进入联合国常任理事国之列，中国人的民族自尊心应该得到了大大的满足，然而实际上这种群体意识却不断被人为的经营、渲染、强化，并且由此衍生出复仇的情绪。 六、伴随中国经济的高速发展，中国人自大的心理和大国沙文主义又重新抬头。中国在反对别国的霸权主义时自己也开始积极追求霸权。很多人甚至认为，中国强大了，就应该以牙还牙、变本加厉的“惩罚”别国在历史上犯下的罪行。这亦是封建帝王观的一种复活。 七、六七十年代中国曾经被“阶级斗争一抓就灵”的神话所禁锢。随着共产主义理想的破灭，上述的自大、自卑、非理性、受迫害心理和复仇意识，被宣传机器重新利用，创造出“民族主义一抓就灵”的当代神话。在这个神话里，当局从某个特定阶级的代表，转变为捍卫国家统一和民族利益的代表，从而重新获得了自身的合法性。而与此相对的敌人不再是国际反共势力，而是一个新的国际反华势力。一旦国内的社会出现问题、政策出现偏差，宣传机器就大唱民族主义，把所有问题都推给所谓“国际反华势力”，营造全民同仇敌忾、一致对外的氛围。这和“帝国主义用战争转移民众对国内问题视线”的做法如出一辙，而且屡试不爽。 官方这种刻意宣传与民间狂热的暴民心态和鹰派军人的叫嚣交相呼应，形成一个类似话筒自激啸叫的系统。它足以扼杀一切理性讨论的声音，把这三者捆绑在一起推向狭隘民族主义的深渊。 March 23 与方圆同学商榷 [25 March Update: Refuting News Checker]补记 [3月25日增补]： My friend Yuan sent me this link which he said purportedly prove that Western media has lied about the unrest in Tibet all the way along. OK, fair enough, let's do the check and set the record straight! 关于方圆同学链接里的所谓“不实报道”： http://newschecker.blogspot.com/2008/03/who-lie-about-xizang-tibet-violence-and.html http://bp2.blogger.com/_jSTjX1OQZp4/R-AbQTu_rZI/AAAAAAAAADg/Ah5b4YGMZ9I/s1600-h/002.JPG (1) 这张图片确实把军警逮捕示威者的地点弄错了，为此《华盛顿时报》编辑已经更正了不正确的图片标题，并明确注明了错误。世界各国的警察在对付过激的示威者时都有权采取强制手段加以制止，这没什么稀奇的，也不是什么“赃”。一个标题错误怎么就被贴图者上纲上线地说成是“恶意栽赃”了呢？ http://bp3.blogger.com/_jSTjX1OQZp4/R-BGJju_rgI/AAAAAAAAAEY/O36yq6A1W1A/s1600-h/0009.JPG (2) CNN剪裁图片以适应排版需要这有什么可指摘的？这是各国媒体（包括中国在内）的通例。我们可以看看图旁边这篇文字：第一段陈述了双方对死亡人数的不同看 法。第二段写此次示威的起因和可能造成的影响。三至四段照章引述新华社对暴乱的官方解释，并没有参杂任何暗示性语言。第五段引流亡藏人的解释并提醒读者 100人的死亡数字尚未得到证实。第六至七段解释中央台放出的视频，并指出视频中没有出现中国军人，只有包括喇嘛在内的暴徒在打砸抢，而且以中国银行等机 构为目标。请问这样的报道哪里造假、抹黑中国了？可笑的是，这张图片也出现在世界其他媒体上，图片剪裁方式各不一样（贴图者自己贴出来的原图就已经裁掉了左边的白色轿车），然而它就是从来没有在中国媒体上出现过。究竟是谁心虚，谁不敢把含有军车的图片刊登出来，谁企图掩盖真相，岂不是一目了然了？ http://bp2.blogger.com/_jSTjX1OQZp4/R-B1LTu_riI/AAAAAAAAAEo/fl_kbP1rOa0/s1600-h/0012.jpg (3) 前面已经说过了 "military presence" 是个中性描述，翻译成中文无非是“大量军队出现在西藏”，并没有说军队是来干什么的。军队出现不代表就要使用武力，98抗洪军队不就是去抢险救灾的吗？然而对这样客观的陈述，贴图者却指责BBC “颠倒黑白，把救人说成是镇压”，我就没看出来旁边的文字里哪里提到镇压两个字了。况且图片中的红十字标志清晰可见，读者难道没有自己判断的能力？难道看不出来这是救护车？！根本就是贴图者无中生有，胡乱编造罪名，然后给BBC乱扣帽子。 http://bp2.blogger.com/_jSTjX1OQZp4/R-E4NDu_rwI/AAAAAAAAAGY/LzgA0sU5Orw/s1600-h/003.JPG (4) FOX News 这张图片的标题是：March 15: Indian police drag a Tibetan protester outside the Chinese Embassy in New Delhi, India. 即：印度新德里3月15日电，印度警察把西藏示威者从中国使馆前拽走。这个标题没有问题，大家可以自己去FOX News的图库里看。Rioter Roundup等是另外一篇新闻文章标题和摘要，和左边的图片压根就是两码事。贴图者在这里分明就是在和稀泥，把不相干的报道扯在一起。 http://bp1.blogger.com/_jSTjX1OQZp4/R-GHfZlFDcI/AAAAAAAAAG0/AOwRirCYVzw/s1600-h/youtube1.JPG (5) 我访问该网页时，点击率显示为583,123，我看不出有什么问题。 西方媒体从3月10日就开始报道拉萨的和平示威，那时中国的官方媒体在哪里？14日出现暴力了，中国官方媒体在哪里？直到几天后才羞答答地放出几个视频。西方媒体可以先播出温总理答记者问，再播放达赖的反驳，中国官方的媒体做的到吗？为什么和平示威会演变成暴力，这来龙去脉官方媒体有做过解释吗？有哪怕采访过一个普通藏人倾听他们的诉求，倾听他们为什么要示威吗？就连北京大学生静坐，也只能在凌晨用英语写个简短的报道。除了乖乖的按照新华社口径发稿，他们什么都不敢报，只能众口一词地说是达赖一手策划。好啊，达赖已经出来反驳了，为什么不报道？国内的同胞有几个能听到达赖的话？恐怕连一张他的照片都看不到。中国官方封锁藏区，驱逐西方记者（连香港记者也不放过），真是生怕别人不知道自己心里有鬼。驱逐了别人然后又来骂他们不公正报道，这叫什么强盗逻辑。贴图者是不是觉得全世界的媒体都和新华社一个鼻孔出气就对了，全世界的人都只要长一个大脑就好了？只要不同意我说的，那就是造假，歪曲，中伤。请问诸位的理性都哪里去了，都退回到义和团，红卫兵时代去了？！这种水平还来指责西方媒体的职业操守，借用一个同学的话，就是说别人裤子上有个洞的时候，最好不要忘了自己是不是还光着屁股！ -------------------------- 方圆同学评论我"naive"，我当然不见怪。但是他说26位诺贝尔和平奖得主都是"bitch"，恐怕要算侮辱人格了。不能在道理上驳倒对方，就先采取人身攻击，我认为是不妥的。 在写给诺奖得主的信里，方圆同学称西藏在一千多年以前就归入中国了，并列举wikipedia的历史地图为证。可惜这张地图恰恰证明了他的结论是错误的。1000年前的1008年是中国的北宋初年，当时西藏（吐蕃）是独立政权，之前也从未隶属于中原王朝。中国的历史教科书和wikipedia的地图都承认这一点。西藏第一次和内地共同纳入一个政治体系源于13世纪中叶的蒙古入侵，距今750年。此后不到百年，明朝驱逐蒙古势力，西藏复归独立，直到满清兴起，才再度入贡。清廷设立驻藏大臣制度，已迟至18世纪初，距今不到300年，不知方圆同学的“一千多年”是怎么算出来的。 接下来，方圆同学又力陈50年来西藏之进步。毫无疑问，中共废除农奴制度，普通藏人的生活水平或有提高，但是这可以作为西藏属于中国的论据呢？如果可以的话，日本侵略中国时，就声称要把中国人民从军阀混战中解放出来，日据时的东北和台湾，人民生活水平普遍高于内地。美国也信誓旦旦地声称攻打伊拉克是为了打倒萨达姆的反动独裁统治，救伊拉克人民于水火之中。这样的论据用于民族之间的冲突，是十分危险的。我们不能只考虑物质得失，而忽视了民族感情和心理需求。 在前面的帖子中，方圆同学说西方媒体造假、抹黑中国。不错，西方的报道确实存在不少"misquote"。我想一个重要的原因是新闻封锁造成的信息极度贫乏，仅有的几张图片都是非专业人士（如游客）偷拍后秘密传出的。在骚乱报道中，西方媒体所用的词汇相当克制，并且尽量包括了中国与流亡藏人双方的陈述，没有做武断的价值判断。这比中国官方一边倒的宣传要客观的多。比如贴图者所指责的BBC把武警救护车说成镇压一图，该图的标题是China has strong military presence in Tibet，这是一个中性描述，并没有说军队到西藏是来镇压的还是维持秩序的。在没有可靠信息来源的情况下，我认为这样的图片标题是无可厚非的。其他的例子还很多，恕不一一列举。 "Misquote"的情况绝非报道中国时才有。为了抢头条，甚至编造不实新闻的事件也时有发生。就在上周，英国的两家报纸因为在英国女童失踪案中有虚假报道，在头版刊出整版道歉声明。试问，中国官方媒体，可否有哪怕一次为造假、欺骗民众而道歉过？ 方圆同学不应该忘记，在美国的他可以看到CCTV和新华社的报道，但是在中国却看不到BBC或者CNN的报道，就连他频频引用的Wikipedia，目前也被国内屏蔽了。不仅如此，YouTube, Flickr, Google Blogger, Yahoo GeoCities甚至ATHENS这样的学术网站，也都在被屏蔽的行列里。方圆同学谴责西方国家无耻、虚伪、流氓，那么暂且不讨论其他普遍的问题，仅就近期中国政府在西藏实行新闻封锁，驱逐记者，没收他们已经拍到的新闻资料，在平面与网络媒体上封杀、屏蔽一切和官方口径不一致的报道；在奥运前夕，非法软禁、迫害持不同意见的公民，对各地有冤情的上访群众置若罔闻，大肆截访等等行为而言，以方圆同学的自己标准，他是不是也应该谴责中共政权是无耻、虚伪、流氓呢？ 那26名诺奖得主都被“洗脑”了？或许吧。但我们在中国这种封闭的环境和灌输式的教育体制下长大，是不是早就被“洗脑”了呢？大家都可以自我反省一下。爱国固然没有错，但是应该避免让激愤的民族主义吞噬了我们的理性。毕竟，国家、民族、政权、执政党，这些概念是不该混淆的。 链接：Yuan Fang 附：和其他同学的讨论节选 ......有把事情简单化的倾向。 首先，大藏区（即前藏，康区和安多）统一自治和在西藏建立非军事区，这两点共产党不会接受，换成别的执政党也不会接受。但谈判总要把价码开的高一点儿，否则就没有妥协的余地了。如果一开始就答应共产党怎么搞都可以，那还有谈的必要吗？直接束手就擒算了。西藏流亡政府实际上是一个无权力的示威者，大家看看反伊战或者反全球化的游行，多少人喊着要把小布什抓起来送战争法庭，多少人要推倒美英的"邪恶"政权，这有实现的可能吗？不过是示威者过过嘴瘾而已。把它作为政治谈判和处理问题的出发点，偏差未免也太大了吧。 只要中国在西藏还有驻军，只要还像香港那样以各种方式保有政治影响力，就不可能出现科索沃的情况。科索沃从一开始就是北约主导的，塞尔维亚没有一兵一卒驻在当地，这和西藏的情况完全不同，二者没有可比性。 达赖这些年已经无数次申明他不追求西藏独立，只要求西藏作为中国一部分享有高度自治，这个自治程度有多高，具体怎么操作，有很大的回旋余地。共产党说，和台湾只要在一中框架下，什么都可以谈。西藏也一样。真正的政治家可以审时度势找到双方都能接受的解决方案。 国内500万藏人也不是铁板一块。多数人既感激共产党的政策，又希望达赖重新归藏。共产党应该理解到，藏人作为一个民族的心理结构和汉人是不同的，他们当然也追求现时物质生活的富足，但是更重要的还是来世的超度。今生过得再好，来生不能解脱还有什么意义？而达赖喇嘛做为这条来生路上的指引者，在藏人心目中的地位是不可取代的，50年来是这样，再过50年也不会变。这个精神需求是事实，你必须接受它。清朝的时候满族皇帝假托是文殊菩萨的化身，成功地化解了藏人的这个心结。而现在国内的藏人之所以仇共，一个重要的原因也在于此。共产党的意识形态当然不能再把胡锦涛描述成文殊菩萨，但倘若能与达赖和平相处，国内藏人的藏独情绪必定会大大削弱。 就现在的形势看，藏独势力也还是少数，而且他们已经公开表示根本就不鸟达赖喇嘛的话，认为达赖已经过时了。这些人明显是不受达赖控制的。达赖代表的是温和的中间派，寻求的是和平谈判和民族和解，是流亡藏人中唯一可以遏制藏独倾向的力量。 当前问题的症结是，共产党根本就不和达赖接触，还要求达赖先放弃藏独，我倒要反问，达赖那些善意的表态不接受，那么到底要说什么才接受？！还是压根就没有谈判的诚意，只不过给自己找个借口而已？ 达赖上周在接受BBC专访候表示，他谴责暴力，希望藏民不要仇视汉人，希望双方保持克制，并且坦诚自己没有控制藏独的能力。在后来的记者会上更是要求温总理去德兰萨拉调查，查他有没有指挥暴动。 现在不抓紧拉拢达赖一起分化打击藏独势力，反而不加调查把藏独做的事全部扣在他身上，岂不让人心寒？！岂不是逼达赖"上梁山"？！须知达赖一旦辞职，所有藏人都会认为这是共产党逼的，一切矛头都会直指中共，这是把达赖、国内外藏人和一切亲中的人士都推到自己的对立面上，是极端不明智的做法。 这种蛮横做法，以及在西藏封锁新闻，驱逐记者，屏蔽媒体等心虚的举动，已经给中国的国际形象造成了极大的伤害，这几天西方媒体和政要的态度转变就是明证。分明中国是暴乱的受害者，现在竟搞成全世界同仇敌忾谴责中国，政府危机应对策略的偏差难咎其责（非典刚开始的时候也是这样）。 我个人对西藏暴乱的看法可以简单归纳如下： (1) 由于新闻封锁，藏区的实情我们仍然不了解，究竟是预谋暴动还是官逼民反，还有待进一步调查。 (2) 恢复地方秩序固然重要，但是对于西藏这样的敏感地区，特别要避免黑箱操作和耀武扬威；武力不能解决长期问题，只能激化矛盾与仇恨； (3) 政府应当开放记者自由采访，这有助于国际社会了解事件真相，有助于争取国际同情与支持； (4) 不应该随意以给达赖扣帽子，应当善意回应达赖的表态，重新与达赖展开对话。以其在国际上的崇高声誉，重开对话只会对中国有利。 (5) 倘若能在一中框架内达成某种协议，迎请达赖喇嘛回国，那么中国的国际形象必将大大改善，国际藏独势力必然受到遏制，各国右翼势力也不能再借题发挥，这对台独，疆独问题亦有示范作用；在国内，西藏的民情必然因此大变，汉藏民族和解也不再是一句空话，政府的行政成本会大大降低，许多棘手的问题都会赢刃而解。 以目前中共的政治理念和领导人的政治智慧，上述(3)-(5)恐怕很难实现，而我们每个中国人都有理由为这个问题而担忧。我个人认为，在探讨这个问题时，因该充分了解西藏的历史与现状，理解冲突各方特别是普通藏人的诉求...... March 21 转载：我的同学我不想评论什么，每个人都有他的思想自由。 这是一位在北大学习四年，现在拿着美国全额奖学金的同学的话， 大概在中国受过些“高等教育”的人中，还颇有些代表性。 首先盼望政府能够严厉打击3.14暴徒。 另外，非常鄙视美国这个人类历史上最无耻，虚伪，流氓，强盗的国家。 鄙视fox，cnn，bbc等这些造假的，抹黑中国的无耻的西方媒体。
你们这些口上喊着反恐的国家，媒体，政客们，对于西藏这些恐怖分子的行为，你们什么就不去反对反而要去支持这些制造恐怖的人呢？
鄙视那26个联名的愚蠢，虚伪，可耻的诺贝尔和平奖得主。告诉你，你们的卑劣的行为玷污了诺贝尔奖。
鄙视那个可耻的联合国派特使的行为。你们希望把西藏变成Kosovo的企图是白日梦，中国不是Serbia, 西藏也不是Kosovo. 等到30年后，中国强大了，美国，德国，日本等这些流氓国家所做的恶都要得到偿还。你们应该得到应有的惩罚。 台湾，西藏应该和中国统一。台湾一定会在我所能看到的一天回到中国。我盼望着。我盼望着中华民族的伟大复兴。曾经，现在和将来也一直会为作为一个中国人而感到自豪，为中国的崛起而激动。 Anne对我说，如果你的话可以摧毁一个人用十几年精心构建的世界观，那么你有再多的证据，对方也会视其为荒谬，进而视你为洪水猛兽。对根深蒂固的传统，被灌输的观念或者复杂的、需要加以明晰的概念，人们往往会武断地做出感性判断，而不加以理性思考。这种人类固有的心理自卫，虽然能够保护虚幻的自尊心不受伤害，不使自己在交谈中处于道德的劣势，但它无助于问题的解决，只会进一步束缚人类的心灵。这正是欧洲启蒙运动倡导理性主义的初衷，也是为什么Anne在面对中国友人时，感到平等交流是如此困难的原因。 。。。。。。 历史的车轮就是这样转了一圈又回到了原点。胡适说：“争你们个人的自由，便是为国家争自由！争你们自己的人格，便是为国家争人格！” 后半句大家都知道，我就不引用了。 语无伦次了，不写了。 March 18 Congress Ends, Hu Jia on Trial, Tibet Still in Turmoil
Tibet is still in turmoil. To be honest, there isn't enough information from the press to make a judgment on the situation. What we do know is that the Dalai Lama, speaking to the BBC on Saturday, denounced the violence and called for restraints from both sides. Contrary to the exiled community, he voiced continued support for the Beijing Olympics. February 07 The Politics of AIDSChanging State-Society Relations in China In support of Hu Jia and Zeng Jinyan, who tirelessly fight for the rights of the people...
In the face of the rapidly-escalating HIV/AIDs epidemic, the Chinese government has loosened some of its tight restrictions on social organizations. As a result, the number of non-government organizations (NGOs) and grass-roots groups working in the field of HIV/AIDS prevention has mushroomed in recent years, delivering services previously inconceivable. However, the state remains deeply ambivalent to this new social force and activists are often subject to severe obstacles and harassment. In this essay I attempt to give a brief overview of the present situation and explore how it affects the development of the state-society relations in China’s restrictive yet conducive political setup.
China faces one of the gravest humanitarian crises of our time – according to official figures the number of people living with HIV/AIDS has rocketed to 840,000 in 2004. The actual figure is almost certainly much higher, as the official statistics vastly underestimates the number of infections in Henan province, where tens of thousands of peasants, perhaps up to a million of them, contracted HIV in the late 1990s as a result of a government led blood-selling campaign. International experts have warned that China could have ten million people living with HIV/AIDS in 2010, if no preventive actions were taken promptly.
After the SARS scandal in 2003, China's policy makers are finally taking serious measures in public health, AIDS being one of the focuses of this new campaign. Premier Wen Jiabao called the fight against AIDS a top priority for the country and visited one of the AIDS villages in Henan in early 2004. The recognition of the rampant AIDS epidemic in rural Henan was accompanied with the government’s announcement of a nationwide programme dubbed as “four frees and one care”, namely, to provide free anti-retroviral drugs, free counseling, free prevention of mother-child infection, free education to AIDS orphans plus “economic care and assistance” to those affected by AIDS.
Meanwhile, senior officials are increasingly vocal in their support and tolerance of NGOs, as they realized the inability for the state apparatus to tackle all the social problems. In 2004, health minister Wu Yi held a private meeting with prominent activist Gao Yaojie and emphasized the importance of creating a better environments to mobilize the civil sector. More recently in 2006, vice health minister Wang Longde again encouraged NGOs to join in the fight against AIDS.
As a response to these calls, China’s NGO sector, especially those focusing on AIDS prevention work, has seen rapid growth in the past five years. These organizations share two common characteristics:
Firstly, as regulations regarding a conpulsory supervising body is no longer applicable, most NGOs have gained complete independence, both financially and administratively, from state control. Many of them are now partially funded by international NGOs and foundations. Even the grass-roots groups from the poorest parts of the country now commonly have some sorts of international connection. This independence enables the groups to carry out services previously not accessible to them due to regulatory restrictions.
Secondly, their practitioners and volunteers are mainly drawn from university students and young professionals in the urban area, most of whom under the age of 30. Unlike many of their GONGO (government controlled NGO) counterparts, they are much less bureaucratic, closer to the society, and well equipped with the skills to deliver frontline services. This is an important phenomenon as an increasing number of highly educated and liberal-minded professionals are choosing NGOs as a viable career path. In the years to come they could grow into a strong force behind the advocacy of civil liberties and democratization.
Thirdly, the NGOs specializing in AIDS, like many other social organizations, remain largely invisible. Although a few of them have been invited to local policy discussions, most exercise a conscious depoliticization and self-censorship, for their survival relies solely on the unspoken government consent. In doing so NGOs attempt to steer away from offending the authorities and portray themselves as partners rather than opponents to the government. Unlike the environmental movement, however, even the largest AIDS groups are still far from successfully building up informal connections with government figures and exerting any significant political leverage. On the contrary, the low-profile has severe adverse effects on publicity, brand building, fund raising, and organizational development.
Indeed, self-censorship does not always translate into government trust and the tolerance of senior officials is often contradicted by frequent repression at the local level. The first and foremost obstacle is the NGO registration regulations. According to law, NGOs are required to register with the Ministry of Civil Affairs. In practice, only GONGOs or a handful of NGOs with very strong and usually informal ties with the government are able to register as non-government and non-profit organizations. The majority of NGOs now existing in China have to register with the Business Administration in the form of companies, research centres or clubs. The financial bar is correspondingly higher and filters out many start-ups and small groups. The renewal of licenses is often at the discretion of local officials, thus if a group is deemed offensive to the authorities they could face serious punishment. In rural areas, many grass-roots groups are unregistered at all and face great difficulties in fund raising and mobilizing resources.
The central policy makers have already noticed the bottleneck created by the outdated regulatory restriction and the Ministry of Civil Affairs was reportedly considering modifying the registration rules to better accommodate the growth of NGOs and the country’s fight against AIDS in general. Unfortunately no actions have been taken so far and registration remains a major problem for many NGOs.
A second problem is the tension between local and central government authorities, which arises from the growing gap between China’s rich coastal cities and landlocked western provinces. Most of the new AIDS groups are in the more prosperous cities such as Beijing and Shanghai. But a large part of China’s AIDS epidemic is in the rural areas – for instance, the peasants in Henan, and drug addicts and sex workers in underdeveloped regions. But those areas are the ones with the greatest political restraints. As the old Chinese saying goes, “heaven is high, and the emperor is far away.” National policies on AIDS are usually poorly implemented, due to corrupt local officials who see HIV/AIDS as an embarrassment that threatens their own promotion and external investment in their poverty-stricken constituencies.
In Henan province, villagers living with AIDS have got together to form local groups to provide care and support to fellow families struggling with AIDS. Yet such efforts have without exception met with official bans. There are continued concerns about the lack of adequate facilities to take care thousands of children orphaned by AIDS, as well as the corruption and embezzlement in nationally and internationally funded aid projects. All those public criticism of government authority are treated as a direct political challenge and firmly suppressed. Villagers who seek to petition to higher authorities are often detained or put under house arrest.
Apart from relying on fear of force, authorities in Henan have resorted to censorship and manipulation of the media to maintain a positive public image and to stop the spread of "negative" information of their mismanagement of the crisis. In February 2007, activist Gao Yaojie was put under house arrest to prevent her from receiving an award in the US. At the same time the provincial newspaper ran a headline that the deputy provincial governor had visited Dr Gao, commended her brave work and sent best regards for the New Year!
This and other measures are by no means restricted to Henan province. It is only the province’s vocal activists and its proximity to Beijing that enables them to attract significant media attention. There are many more quieter but more successfully repressive provinces still beyond our knowledge.
Yet another problem facing AIDS activists in China is the marginalization of the people they work with - injection drug addicts, sex workers and gay men. This high risk population is falling victim to a profound social discrimination. There are laws that promote arbitrary detention by police without trial in the case of drug users and sex workers. This means activists working with them also face a range of risks.
The official moral rhetoric of the “socialist spiritual civilization”, though not explicitly so, blames Western influence and corruption as the cause for the spread the HIV in society, inferring the said high risk group as wicked and immoral. The crackdowns on drug users, sex workers and the censorship of on-line homosexual chat rooms have closed an important channel to access and share valuable information with the marginalized communities. The demonization has further marginalized people who need the most support and creates an unhealthy social atmosphere that deems anyone with AIDS as dirty and immoral. As a result, some estimate that as many as two thirds of the people who contracted AIDS through blooding transfusion are trying to hide their identities in order to escape social stigma. This problem won’t be solved until the government formally acknowledges blood transfusion as a major source of infection and redirects the anti-AIDS campaign from its present moral-centric state.
As China becomes more diversified and pluralized, the state alone is incapable of dealing with all the social issues and the emergence of an independent civil society seems almost inevitable. We have seen that the Chinese government has indeed taken actions to encourage the development of NGOs to help in its anti-AIDS campaign but at the same times puts various obstacles in the path, which severely hamper the growth of a civil society that can effectively fight against AIDS. Put in a greater prospective, China is already more tolerant of AIDS NGOs than groups working in other fields, who faces even tougher restrictions and harassment.
The relations between the state and social organizations in China have always been a mixture of cooperation and confrontation. On the one hand the uncontrolled growth of NGOs could potentially give rise to an opposition or rival force that threatens the legitimacy of the Party’s rule, on the other hand, encouraging collective voluntary actions would help solve social problems and lower the risk of social instability. Perhaps only time will tell whether this balance will be broken in the future with the further development of a civil society in China. (18 January 2008) January 13 ZT: Channel 4 - One Dream One PrisonUK's Channel 4 reports the arrest of activist Hu Jia amid China's preparation for the 2008 Olympics: http://www.channel4.com/news/articles/politics/international_politics/one+dream+one+prison/1315147 A Video with footages of Jinyan and Hu Jia can be found here: http://www.channel4.com/player/v2/player.jsp?showId=10722 December 28 We Have Lost ContactUPDATE 1 (28 December 2007): I called Jinyan several times today without success. According to CRD, Hu Jia has been detained for allegedly "inciting subversion of the national regime". Jinyan and her one-month-old daughter were kept under house arrest by the national security guards, with all communications cut off. Big Ben warned me back in January 2006 that this would happen sooner or later, and once the state took action it is almost certain that the persecuted will be locked behind the bars. I always took his words with a grain of salt but this times he was right. We Have Lost Contact (27 December 2007): Serious concerns have been raised about the safety and whereabouts of Hu Jia and Zeng Jinyan. Activists lost contact with the couple earlier this afternoon, when Hu Jia stopped responding on Skype. Both their mobile phones and landlines were reportedly cut off, and no one has heard from them since then. December 17 AIDS PresentationChina's Tainted Blood Crisis
The AIDS Epidemic in Henan
A recent presentation I gave in Oxford. See the attached PowerPoint for details.
(The file contains graphic imagery, viewer discretion suggested!)
December 10 ZT: Why China Cracked Down on My Nonprofithttp://www.csmonitor.com/2007/1204/p09s01-coop.html Nick Young, founder of the 12-year-old China Development Brief, reflects on why the Chinese authorities banned his journal. It reminds me of a joke I use to tell while in China: The fate of an NGO journal, more often than not, depends on the circulation number. Print 2,000 copies and the authorities won't even bother with you, while 20,000 will set them on high alert and you could be banned at any moment. Going up to 200,000 will secure you an exclusive interview with CCTV and a commendation from the government. If you have 2 million in print, then rest assured, you will be made a member of the People's Political Consultative Conference. November 28 《爱援》简讯第四期出版
October 30 China's Olympic LieUnreported World: China's Olympic Lie Broadcast by Channel 4 on 19 October 2007 Beijing residents are being forcibly evicted in the name of the Olympic games, activists beaten up and petitioner locked in black jails. What can I say....devastating, I can't bear to watch such things. My salute to reporter Aidan Hartley and director Andrew Carter for telling the world the dark side of the story. Watch the video online at: http://www.veoh.com/videos/v1357069DKZqmaty Or download the torrent at: http://www.mininova.org/tor/959624 LINK: Silent Witness August 17 小道消息（1）两大民间刊物《中国发展简报》和《民间》都被和谐了。 （2）《爱援》第四期终于筹到了印刷费，但会不会也面临和谐？ （3）不信？有一搓儿人（包括孕妇和幼童）最近就被和谐地拘在家里。 （3）连某大学的中国学联改选也能被大使馆出面和谐了。 （4）所以他们请某政治明星演讲，把后面的提问都和谐了，这种事就不足为奇了。 P.S.八卦： （7）老干部结婚了，还在美国租了一个Townhouse。大家组团参观啊！ February 26 AIDS Documentary Wins Academy AwardWhile everybody is talking about the big shots, let me just remind you that THE BLOOD OF YINGZHOU DISTRICT, directed by Ruby Yang (whom I met briefly at Jinyan's wedding last year), has been awarded the best documentary short subject last night at the Oscar. The documentary traces the story of an AIDS orphan in a remote village in Anhui province. Congratulations, Ruby! You have done a wonderful job telling the whole world what's happening to China's AIDS orphans. We look forward to seeing your film soon! February 05 光榮榜著書立説本自由，
焚書坑儒何時休。
民主大潮滾滾來，
愚弄蒼生終遺臭。
新年伊始就有八部書遭查禁。它們是：
1）曉劍：《滄桑》（上海文藝出版社）
從個人經歷視角講述辛亥革命到大躍進的中國歷史
2）朱凌：《我反對：一個人大代表的參政傳奇》（海南出版社）
有關民權活動人士姚立法經歷的報告文學
3）國亞：《一個普通中國人的家族史》（中國廣電出版社）
講述解放戰爭以來一個普通中國家庭經歷的長篇小説
4）袁鷹：《風雲側記──我在人民日報副刊的歲月》（中國檔案出版社）
《人民日報》退休編輯的回憶錄
5）曠晨主編：《年代懷舊叢書》（中國友誼出版公司，廣西人民出版社）
回顧50-80年代中國大事的歷史叢書
6）胡發雲：《如焉》（中國國際廣播出版社）
講述非典疫情期間一名女子因鐘情互聯網而放棄作副市長的小説
7）朱華祥：《新聞界》（中國廣播電視出版社）
描寫中國新聞工作者生存狀態的長篇小説
8）章詒和：《伶人往事》（湖南文苑出版社）
我專門從YesAsia.com訂購了一冊未刪節的《伶人往事》，以表支持。 |
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